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IPPNW
Co-President Dr. Ron McCoy talks about
the NPT, IPPNW and himself
e-Pulse: Tell us a
little about IPPNW: when did this organization
begin and the impetus for its creation? What role has IPPNW, as the
only
international medical organization dedicated to the abolition of
nuclear
weapons, played in the global movement?
McCoy: IPPNW was
founded in 1980 at the height of the Cold War,
when the momentum of the deployment of tactical nuclear weapons in Europe threatened to propel the two protagonists
to
nuclear war and ‘mutual assured destruction.’ As the only international
medical
organization dedicated to the abolition of nuclear weapons, IPPNW has
unique
credibility, professional authority and public trust when it advocates
the
abolition of nuclear weapons. The publication of medical research into
the
catastrophic effects of blast, radiant heat and ionizing radiation on
the
population of Boston, in the event of a
nuclear
war, based on the atomic bombings of Hiroshima
and Nagasaki,
had a dramatic impact on the consciousness of a world teetering on the
brink of
nuclear war in the 1980s. For this work in public health education,
IPPNW
received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1985 and continues to play this role
in all
disarmament forums. Since then, IPPNW has grown into a global
federation of
national physicians’ groups that affirm the Hippocratic principle -
first, do
no harm. In that context, IPPNW seeks to understand the economic and
social
causes of violence and war and the need to prevent war. IPPNW argues
against
the greater reliance on military power by the powerful and wealthy to
advance
narrow national interests and strategies that depend upon nuclear
weapons.
e-Pulse: What is the
greatest priority for your organization at this
Conference?
McCoy: The greatest
priority at the 2005 NPT Review would be for
both nuclear weapon states and non-nuclear weapon states to show good
faith by
complying with their legal obligations under the NPT and taking a
balanced
approach to the mutually reinforcing imperatives of nuclear disarmament
and
nuclear nonproliferation. The nuclear weapon states must renounce both
the use
of nuclear weapons and the development of new nuclear weapons, and
proceed
immediately to de-alerting. Non-nuclear weapon states must renounce all
ambitions to acquire nuclear weapons and fulfill their obligations in
the
peaceful uses of nuclear technology, under Article IV and the
Additional
Protocol.
e-Pulse: In your view,
what would be the best outcome of the
Conference? And, the
worst?
McCoy: In
the case of the worst scenario, how
will the international community handle the crisis of nuclear weapons,
if the
Review Conference should fail to significantly strengthen the regime?
The best
outcome of the Conference would be for
the nuclear weapon states to generate the necessary political will to
strengthen the NPT by immediately building on the 13 Practical Steps
agreed at
the 2000 NPT Review, all of which flow from their fundamental
“unequivocal
undertaking” to eliminate their nuclear arsenals. The worst outcome of
the Conference
would be for the nuclear weapon states to repudiate their commitments
made at
the 2000 NPT Review and for stalemate in the NPT process to deteriorate
further, leading to further unraveling of the NPT and withdrawal of
more States
Parties from the NPT, as in the case of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. If this crisis were to
happen and
there was no way to build a bridge between nuclear disarmament and
nuclear
proliferation after 35 years of diplomatic gamesmanship, the
international
community would be faced with the realization that it must look beyond
the NPT
and take a new approach by emulating the Ottawa process and adopting a
framework for the abolition of nuclear weapons through a Nuclear
Weapons
Convention, which is now more feasible through advances in verification
technology and compliance procedures. This will take advantage of the
substantial conceptual work that has already been done on the legal,
technical
and political requirements for achieving and maintaining a nuclear
weapons free
world. In fact, a Model Nuclear Weapons Convention has been submitted
and
circulated in the United Nations. A political judgment will be needed
on
whether the verification regime will offer sufficient levels of
assurance,
acknowledging at the same time that no verification system can provide
absolute
certainty. It is inevitable that some risk of attempted breakout will
have to
be accepted, if the greater benefits of a safer nuclear weapon free
world are
to be realized. In a globalizing world where the effectiveness and
destructive
force of conventional weapons are increasing, the development of an
illegal
nuclear force would be self-defeating. Nuclear disarmament is primarily
a
positive obligation to undertake the technical process of dismantling
and
eliminating nuclear weapons, whereas nuclear abolition is a positive
obligation
to eliminate nuclear weapons, combined with a normative process of
prohibiting
the acquisition, transfer, use or threat of use of nuclear weapons. In
other
words, nuclear abolition is the synthesis of the two competing
approaches in
the NPT process - disarmament and non-proliferation. The concept of an
abolition framework is therefore closer to what the nuclear weapon
states have
already agreed on disarmament and it encompasses their concerns about
proliferation. It may be an easier framework with which to engage the
nuclear
weapon states than one which focuses mainly on disarmament. An
independent Ottawa-style
conference on nuclear abolition would generate considerable media
coverage and
political pressure on all nuclear weapon states, declared and
undeclared, to
abandon nuclear weapons and embrace abolition. Whatever the reasons or
concerns
that have led some States to develop nuclear weapons and doctrines in
the name
of security, nuclear weapons pose an unacceptable threat to human
civilization
and must be abolished. Nuclear weapons are weapons of genocide and
totally
annihilate populations. For 35 years, the NPT has failed abysmally to
rid the
world of nuclear weapons. The majority of the people of the world want
nuclear
weapons abolished. It is time to look for new ways to translate the
will of the
majority into democratic action to overturn the malfeasance of the few.
e-Pulse: How did you
get interested in disarmament and
nonproliferation issues?
McCoy: I’ve had an
interest in international relations for a very
long time that goes back to the bombings of Hiroshima
and Nagasaki at the end of the Second
World War and
the liberation of Malaysia
from Japanese occupation. It was only after reading John Hershey’s
book, Hiroshima,
years later
that I began to understand the true nature of nuclear weapons. In 1986,
when I
read about the activities of IPPNW and its British affiliate, Medical
Campaign
Against Nuclear Weapons, in the British Medical Journal, I became a
member of
MCANW and began my involvement in nuclear disarmament. A year later, I
founded
the Malaysian affiliate of IPPNW and have been its chair since. My work
in
IPPNW has grown over the years, first as Malaysian international
councilor and
later as vice-president, co-president and president of IPPNW. I’ve had
a close
working relationship with the Malaysian government on disarmament and
was a
member of the Malaysian government’s delegation when it made its oral
submission on the legal status of nuclear weapons to the International
Court of
Justice in 1995. I was a member of the Canberra Commission on the
Elimination
of Nuclear Weapons in 1996.
e-Pulse: Dr. McCoy,
thank you for
this interview.
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